The Crude Toll
The source: “The First Law of Petropolitics” by Thomas L. Friedman, in ___Foreign Policy___, May–June 2006.
The high price of oil is certainly not pleasant for the average driver, whose fill-up has doubled in price in less than four years. And it is clearly a burden for the American economy. But you might think that it would be a boon to oil-exporting nations as once-cheap oil bobs around the $70-a-barrel mark.
However, you would be thinking completely backward under the First Law of Petropolitics, posited by author and _New York Times_ columnist Thomas L. Friedman. His First Law holds that the price of oil and the pace of freedom always move in opposite directions in oil-rich “petrolist” states. “The higher the average global crude oil price rises, the more free speech, free press, free and fair elections, an independent judiciary, the rule of law, and independent political parties are eroded,” he writes.
A petrolist state is a country whose economy rests on oil and has weak national institutions or an outright authoritarian government. Among the examples are Azerbaijan, Iran, Kazakhstan, Nigeria, Russia, Saudi Arabia, and Venezuela. Friedman tests his theory by comparing oil prices to citizen freedoms.
Take Venezuela. When oil was in the $10-to-$20-a-barrel range, the country’s oil industry was reopened to foreign investment and a coup failed. But as the price rose to $50, freedom shrank, according to an analysis by the research organization Freedom House.
Or Nigeria. When oil was hovering around $23 a barrel, there was a boom in independent newspapers. As oil rose toward $30, local elections were postponed indefinitely.
To explain the phenomenon, Friedman draws on work by UCLA political scientist Michael L. Ross. The oil bonanza relieves governments of the necessity of taxation that otherwise breeds popular demands for representation. It gives rulers plenty of cash for patronage, police, internal security, and other dangerous indulgences. It reduces pressure on citizens to attain higher levels of education or to specialize in needed occupations—pursuits that can produce a more articulate, economically independent public that can keep the heat on an authoritarian government.
The tide of democracy and free markets that followed the collapse of the Berlin Wall is now running into a countercurrent of petro-authoritarianism, Friedman writes. This gives some of the worst regimes in the world extra cash with which to cause mischief.
And all of these negative impacts could poison global politics. Cutting oil consumption, he says, should not be the goal only of high-minded environmentalists. It is a national security imperative.
This article originally appeared in print